Agreement Meaning Marathi

Agreement Meaning Marathi

The two morphemes and morphemes of double or second convention are peripheral in the sense that they are on the leftmost verbal element in a finite verb complex. Remember that in (4) the -s appears on the main verb, which is the only verb in the clause. In (8), if the tense Auxiliary is present, this morpheme jumps on the tense Auxiliary instead of being noticed on the verb. The subjunctive does not accept a delay. However, it is denied by a special prohibitive negation that occurs in a sentence-definitive manner. It is interesting to note that the Morphem -s (2SG). SBJ) and the second konsigmentmorphem -t̪, which indicates the object 3PL, occur on the negation rather than on the verb, which now appears in a non-definitive form. Chandra, Pritha. 2007. Agreement: movement and agreement reconsidered.

College Park, MD: Thesis from the University of Maryland. 2004. Distance agreements in Hindi: some theoretical implications. Studia linguistica 58 (1). 23-36. DOI: doi.org/10.1111/j.0039-3193.2004.00108.x Bhatt, Rajesh and Stefan Pas. 2017. Distance selling. In Martin Everaert and Henk C. van Riemsdijk (eds.), The wiley blackwell companion to syntax, Bd.

IV, 2291-2321. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell. 2. DOI: doi.org/10.1002/9781118358733.wbsyncom083 15Nayudu (2008), which discussed only -s as a double-match instance in Marathi, analyzing it as a “secondary Phi probe” located on T0. An anonymous critic also wonders if these markers are not allocutive morphemes similar to those observed in Basque (Haddican 2018). If they are actually versatile morphemes, they can be in the CP domain on T0. The distribution of these markers, their contrast with standard convention morphemes, etc., are not yet described in detail. Therefore, their structural position has not yet been defined. However, since they are higher than MoodP, their exact position is not significant for my analysis here. To keep the focus of the argument, I postpone a detailed analysis of this phenomenon.

In these examples, the “feel” matrix takes an embedded clause as a complement. The embedded verb “to eat” corresponds to the subjunctive/optativativ morphology -ɑw- and corresponds respectively to its object “mango”, “raw mango” and the plural object “Mangoes” in (1.a), (1.b) and (1.c). The matrix “feel” also corresponds to the embedded object that is not theta-marked. Also, the embedded verb is accompanied by an -s- which is glossed here as “such”, 1, which also corresponds to the same embedded object. . . .


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